The Acadians in Pennsylvania, in the Carolinas, at Boston and in Maryland.

The number of Acadians that landed at different places in the United States is only approximately known. With the exception of Boston, where nearly 2,000 were put ashore, only a small number were left in other northern ports. Connecticut received for its share B00, New York 200. The remainder were distributed in Pennsylvania, Maryland, the Carolinas and Georgia. Lawrence had executed his project so hurriedly that he had not even asked leave of the various governors before shipping the exiles to the provinces they governed. He had thought it his interest to transport them as far as possible and to separate them in as many groups as he could; but he had to reckon with the good-will of these governors. Boston had the disadvantage of being too near; yet there at least he could hope much from the, complaisance of the governor, who was aware of his projects; however, there as everywhere else, discontent was prevalent.

Whether it were for want of lodging, or because people did not wish to be burdened with them, objections were everywhere made to their landing, they were everywhere looked upon as dangerous to the public welfare. The prejudices against all that pertained to Catholicism had reached such a degree of intensity in all classes of society, that amazement seizes upon any one who now reads the memoirs and public documents of that time. The astonishment that this reading produces must, I do not doubt, be felt nowadays by all those who give themselves up to these studies, whether they be or not the sons of those who shared in these ridiculous alarms. There was no machination, however unreasonable it might be, of which a Catholic would not be supposed guilty. This handful of inoffensive people, who had been so when they held in their grasp the fate of Acadia, now crushed by misfortune, without arms, without money, caused an inconceivable disquietude as though the safety of the country was seriously endangered. This was more than enough to extinguish benevolence and to drive to acts of cruelty a nation naturally generous and hospitable. Such was the case at Boston, at Philadelphia, and in most places where fate cast the Acadians.

At Philadelphia, where on November 19th arrived three ships laden with exiles, the captains received orders to withdraw from the port. “Governor Morris,” says Philip II. Smith, “was thrown into a terrible alarm,” and oil the very day that these boats arrived he wrote to Governor Shirley:

“Two vessels are arrived here with upwards of 300 Neutral French from Nova Scotia, whom Governor Lawrence has sent to remain in this Province, and I am at a very great loss to know what to do with them. The people here, as there is no military force of any kind, are very uneasy at the thought of having a number of enemies scattered in the very bowels of the country, who may go off from time to time with intelligence, and join their countrymen now employed against us, or foment some intestine commotion with the Irish and German Catholics, in this and the neighboring Province. I, therefore, must beg your particular instructions in what manner I may best dispose of these people. I have, in the meantime, put a guard out- of the recruiting parties now in town, on board of each vessel, etc., etc.-’

Jonathan Belcher, chief justice of New Jersey, father of Jonathan Belcher, chief justice of Nova Scotia and Lawrence’s counsellor, was even more exaggerated iu his ridiculous apprehensions. Writing to Governor Morris, shortly afterwards, he expressed himself thus: “I am truly surprised how it could ever enter the thoughts of those who had the ordering of the French Neutrals, or rather traitors and rebels to the Crown of Great Britain, to direct any of them into these Provinces, where we have already too great a number of foreigners for our own good and safety. I think they should have been transported to old France, and I entirely coincide with Your Honor that these people would readily join with the Irish Papists, etc., etc., to the ruin and destruction of the King’s Colonies, and should any attempt to land here (Elizabethtown), I should think it my duty to the King and to his good people under my care to do all in my power to crush an attempt.”

Smith, after having cited other examples showing the extent of the prejudices, adds: “Were it not that these accounts are fully substantiated by incontrovertible evidence, they could scarcely be credited, so strangely do they sound since national prejudice and religious intolerance have been dissipated before the light of knowledge and the benign influence of the Gospel.”

On November 24th, Governor Morris addressed a message to the House of Representatives of the State, declaring that he did not judge it prudent to allow the exiles to debark, but that he had given orders to land some of them on Province Island, since a contagious malady had broken out on one of these boats.

What could these unfortunate people hope from so fanatic a population? Some citizens of Philadelphia were shameless enough to propose to have them sold as slaves. The Acadians rose up with all the pride and indignation of their French blood, and protested by petitions against this criminal project, which was never carried out. Fortunately, the honor of Pennsylvania was redeemed by many leading men, who were moved at so much woe. Of this number, I must not forget the philanthropic Antoine Benezet. A grandson of exiles, expelled, as the Acadians were, from fatherland, he laid aside his natural feelings of rancor to consider only the sufferings to which they were a prey, as had been his own ancestors before them. He devoted himself to their solace with a touching solicitude, and greatly contributed to alleviate their sorrows. More highly favored than their companions deported elsewhere, they had the happiness to fall in with Father Hardy, a sympathizing and devoted missionary, who afforded them spiritual consolation and courage to support their afflictions more patiently. But, says Casgrain, they had become as plants tom from the soil; they could no longer revive. More than half died shortly after their arrival. Homesickness killed as many of them as hardships did; like Antores of old, they expired uith their eyes turned toward their native land:

The minutes of the local Assembly contain the following passage: "Anthony Benezet, attending without, was called in and informed the House, that he had, at the request of some of the members, visited the French Neutrals now on ho;ird sundry vessels in the river, near the city, and found that they were in a great need of blankets, shirts, stockings, and other necessaries; and lie then withdrew, (Whereupon) Resolved. That this House will allow such reasonable expenses as the said B£n6zet may be put to in furnishing the Neutral French now in the Province.’’

After many interviews and hesitations, the landing was at last authorized. As many of these unfortunate persons had been on board the boats for nearly three months, it is easy to conceive how this overcrowding in the holds of overladen vessels, together with their grief, with the fatigues of the sea, and with coarse food altogether unfit for their condition, must have affected the healtli of these people and contributed to this dreadful mortality.

During their first two months of captivity, after landing, they received from the Legislature and from private charity as much as their situation required. Their first petition to the Legislature ends thus: “Blessed be God that it was our lot to be sent to Pennsylvania, where our wants have been relieved, and we have, in every respect, been treated with Christian benevolence and charity.”

But this was not to continue for any length of time. Charity soon wearies of prolonged assistance. The Acadians wished to be restored to liberty in order to go and join their compatriots somewhere else, or to be deported whither it would be judged best, provided it were to France or one of her colonies, or in tine, if none of these proposals could be accepted, they asked as a last resort to be treated as prisoners of war. To provide against tlie mishap of being left to their own resources, as was threatened, they drew up a petition to the Legislature, ending thus: “If this, our humble request, should be refused, and our wives and children be suffered- to perish before our eyes, how grievous will this be! Had we not better have died in our native land? (See Appendix No. III.)

Their request was, however, to pass unheeded. The Legislature decided that all who were able to work should be distributed throughout the Province, “to give them an opportunity of exercising tlieir own labor and industry.”

This resolution struck the exiles with consternation. Reduced by deaths to 217 from 450 who left Grand Pre and Port Royal, their affliction knew no bounds. Those wives, those husbands, those children who were going to be separated anew, protested with hot indignation against such cruel measures. Rather die together than be separated again, said they. We will work, if we can take heart to do so ; but we must remain together. Lands, tools, etc., etc., were offered them; but all these offers which involved separation were energetically rejected. Those who decided to accept work in rural districts were not themselves accepted: “The prejudice entertained at that day against those of another religion, prevented the employment of such of the Neutrals as were willing to work.” “Many of us,” says one of their petitions, “have had neither bread nor meat for many weeks together, and have been obliged to pilfer and steal for the support of life".

This new appeal to charity, and, still more perhaps, this avowal of pilfering to appease their hunger, hurried upon the exiles what they dreaded most—separation.

The Legislature decided to take charge of the old men, the sick and infirm, but obliged the parents to give up those of their children who were under age to the service of private families.

Their petitions, with a view to .avert the execution of this decision, bear witness that the blow it dealt them was the most cruel they had to bear. They again begged for liberty; but their touching entreaties were to be answered only by the angel of death. Despairing of obtaining anything from the provincial government, they made a last effort and appealed to the sovereign himself. This appeal, reproduced entire at the end of this volume, is simple and touching; it bears the stamp of deep conviction, and is well-nigh irresistible. This document is the defence of the Acadians drawn up by themselves. As it is the only one of its kind in this ex parte cause, the most elementary fairness should have induced the Compiler of the archives to insert it in his volume alongside of the letters of Piclion, etc., etc. He must have seen it, since it is found entire in Haliburton.

The remnant of these Neutrals, in Philadelphia, occupied in Pine Street a row of small wooden houses, long known by the name of “Neutral Buts.” They were gradually dying out, when in the spring of 1757 there arrived at Philadelphia one of the highest dignitaries ever sent by Great Britain to this colony, Lord Loudun, commander-in-chief of the English armies in America, he who was derisively called by the citizens of Halifax, the hero of the cabbage planting expedition.'’'’ * Lord * * * Not only his military skill, but his courage and integrity were questioned. It is, therefore, not surprising to learn that tne multitude shouted at the news of his being recalled to England,” (Murdoch. Hist, of JV. S. yoI. ii. p. 315.)

Loitdun stayed only a few days in Philadelphia, where his passage gave rise to public feasts and ovations; still, lie sojourned there long enough to show that his high position did not shield him from tlie vulgar prejudices of his time. He had the exact number of the Catholic population of Pennsylvania made out for him, in order to provide against the terrible dangers of a papist conspiracy. According to Father Hardy’s statement, this population barely amounted to 2.000 souls divided between English, Irish and Germans.

The Acadians counted at that time for so little that the missionary did not think it worth while to mention their names in this report.

It would seem that nothing but pity could be felt for this sad remnant, whose poveity was at this moment so extreme that the Assembly itself, which had hitherto treated them harshly, was moved to pass an act recommending them to the public officers, “in order,” as it said, “to prevent them from dying of hunger.”

The traitor Pichon, who, since the deportation was residing at Halifax, happened then, it seems, to be passing through Philadelphia. Before going to enjoy in Loudun the fruit of his treacheiy, he wished to have the importance of liis services recognized by a man of Lord Loudun" high station. As a French officer, pretending to be a prisoner like the Acadians, feigning to commiserate their misfortune, it was easy for him thus to gain the confidence of these unfortunate persons who thirsted after consolation. The result of his interviews was the arrest of Charles Le Blanc, Jean-Baptiste Galerne, Philippe Melancon, Paul Bujeauld and Jean Landry, as being badly-intentioned persons who had proffered threatening words against His Majesty.” I must not omit that the Acadians at the arrival of Londun had presented to him a petition embodying their grievances. This document was in French: “I returned it,” he wrote, “and said I would receive no memorial from the King’s subjects but in English, on which they had a general meeting at which they determined they would give no memorial but in French.”

This refusal to consider their petition because it was in French may have caused discontent; but it is very probable that there was nothing more than discontent. Without form of trial, relying on the report of Pichon, whose previous history was well known to Loudun, since he recounts it himself to the Minister, these unfortunate people were snatched away from their families already so sorely tried, were placed on board war vessels and banished again.

No one knows the subsequent fate of these wretched beings, guilty of having raised their voices in the name of their companions of exile and of having dared to express themselves in the French tongue, the only one they could then speak. They probably went to swell the number of those families that could never afterwards be reunited.

Thenceforth, every complaint was looked upon as an offence, and there remained no other resource but to die in silence; and, indeed, never, since that moment, has there been found any trace of complaint or expostulation from these unhappy people.

The last official record that concerns them has all the sadness of an epitaph; it- is a petition of an undertaker, addressed in 1766 to the Legislature, and worded as follows:

“A petition from John Hill, of the city of Philadelphia, joiner, was presented to the House and read, setting forth that the petitioner haw been employed from time to time to provide ooflins for the French Neutrals who have died in and about this1 citj, and had had his accounts regularly allowed and paid by the Government until lately ; that he is informed by the gentlemen commissioners, who used to pay him, that they have no public money in their hand* for the payments of such debts : that he has made sixteen coffins since their last settlement, without any countermand of his former order. He, therefore, prays the House to make such provisions for his materials and labor in the premises as to them shall seem meet.