WHILST Cartier was at the summit of his very successful career, during the period extending from 1867 to 1872, influences were at work undermining his popularity and preparing his downfall. It is a sad truth that most statesmen lose their hold on the people when they have the helm in hand ; the act of governing diminishes popularity even when public affairs are properly conducted. For some reason or other, during these years, Cartier was not in touch with his friends as he used to be. His presence in the local House at Quebec during the first parliament of that province, and his many absorbing public duties at Ottawa left him very little time to devote to those attentions which a leader of men must bestow on his followers in order to keep his popularity. His party was very strong, and the very strength of a political association may become a danger; when there is no enemy to fight outside the camp the army of the faithful fight within the camp. In this case the danger sprang from among the most advanced Conservatives of his following, those whom Protestants called Ultramontanes, and loyal Conservatives nicknamed Castors.

The first cause of the split in the ranks of Cartier's followers dates back to ante-confederation days, and arose in this way. The then Bishop of Montreal, Mgr. Bourget, a prelate renowned for his great virtues, but absolute and obstinate, and not unlike Cartier in temperament, decided one day to divide into several parishes the only existing Montreal parish of Notre Dame, administered by les Messieurs du Seminaire de St. Sulpice. The Seminary refused to comply with the order, contending that from the early days of the colony under French regime, they had had charge of this parish, having built all the churches of the city, and that, according to the civil and religious law they could not be disturbed. The bishop pointed out the great inconvenience resulting from the concentration of all religious affairs in the one church of Notre Dame, such as christenings, marriages and services for the dead. Endless wranglings took place between the contending parties at Rome and before the civil courts, and it was an unfortunate incident that placed the Seminary's case in the hands of Cartier's law partners. He took no part in the discussion before the courts, but his name appeared with those of the other members of his firm, to whom public duties made him almost a stranger. It was supposed that his leanings were towards the Sulpicians with whom he had always been on terms of amity since his school days. From this cause a certain coldness arose between him and the head of the church in Montreal, so that when confederation was proclaimed, all the bishops of the province, save Mgr. Bourget, wrote pastoral letters recommending to their flocks the acceptance of the new order of things.

After the Union, events occurred which supplied those Conservatives who did not approve of Cartier's attitude towards the head of the church in Montreal, with an opportunity of showing their dissatisfaction. A newspaper, Le Nouveau Monde, edited by Canon Lamarche, one of Mgr. Bourget's friends, was started for that purpose, and the government's actions in New Brunswick and Manitoba were severely animadverted upon.

The Civil Code, one of Cartier's titles to glory, was held up to severe criticism as containing legislation restraining the liberty of the church in matters of education, marriage and establishment of parishes. This Code reeking, according to Le Nouveau Monde, with what remained in Canada of gallicanism, was at last referred to Rome. The judgment came, after strict examination, that it was the most carefully prepared set of laws existing in any country, and that a few slight amendments would place it above reproach, and that the condemnation passed upon it in Quebec, in such unmeasured language, was unjustifiable.

Not satisfied with the damaging attacks directed against Cartier by the Nouveau Monde, the ultras organized a faction within the Conservative ranks under the name of Le Parti Catholique, the avowed object of which was to place members of parliament under the dictates of the church in all matters political and religious. The leaders of Le Parti Catholique requested the Catholics to vote at the coming elections of 1872, for those candidates only who would subscribe "entire and full acceptance of the Catholic and Roman doctrines in religion, politics and social economy."

It is useless to point out the dangerous character of such an organization in a mixed community like ours, and also its lack of a raison d!etre for never had the Catholic members, both Liberal and Conservative, been more in harmony with the Church than in those days. On the New Brunswick school question, when the point arose whether the British North America Act should not be amended so as to remove the grievance complained of by the Catholics, all the Conservative members, save two, voted in the affirmative against their leader. The hostility of the Nouveau Monde, disguised at first and then open, did more to destroy Cartier's prestige and influence than the opposition of the Liberal party.

The Programme Catholique, the work of some journalists and of a few priests, launched without the consent of the upper clergy, drew upon itself the disapproval of the head of the church in Canada. The archbishop of Quebec, Mgr. Taschereau, ordered his priests to warn their flocks against this ill-timed and ill-considered appeal to their sentiments. The Parti Catholique, which had given another illustration of the fact that some people can be more Catholic than the Pope, could hardly use its programme after this condemnation, but the spirit that dictated it was more alive than ever and kept up the warfare against Cartier with its accustomed bitterness. On the other hand, the regular and natural opponents of the government had greatly altered their platform; it was no more the aggressive and radical organization of old. Respectful of all the tenets of the church, they had eschewed all principles that could give offence to the clergy. Nay, in the New Brunswick affair, their conduct in the House of Commons constituted a series of pledges to the church; it must be, however, remarked that this submission harmonized well with their general opposition tactics. In 1872, the Parti National was organized to show that the Liberal party had broken off entirely with radicalism. Their programme, as was shown above, told the country that they intended in future to fight the Conservatives on purely political grounds. With great skill they were turning to their advantage Cartier's false position towards the head of the church in Montreal.

The Due de Broglie was once conversing with Louis Philippe on the topic of the relations between the civil power and the church. "Trust to my experience, sire," said the statesman, "never meddle in religious affairs, never quarrel with the church. In troubles of this kind, the civil power is sure to get the applause of all the good-for-nothing fellows in the country and to array against itself all the good souls and all right-thinking men." "Yes," replied the king, "it is like placing one's finger between the tree and the bark; it is not only pinched, but it remains there." The lesson conveyed above cannot be wholly applied to Cartier, for the quarrel was not directly with him, but still he should have avoided even the appearance of taking sides with any of the contending parties. Finally the bishop of Montreal gained his point to the advantage of the public. It was a matter of surprise to see Cartier, the autocrat, the upholder of authority, standing with the opposition to the bishop's order and giving it a sort of moral support.

At last, the consequence of this want of his usual foresight, or as some would call it, his great moral courage, recoiled on him with a terrible shock. He was badly beaten in Montreal East to the general surprise. His defeat was a crushing one, his opponent, Mr. Jetté, heading the polls by a majority of over 1,200 in a constituency of 7,000 voters. This unexpected accident aroused general sympathy even among Liberal papers who expressed the desire that another seat should be found for him. Even Mgr. Bourget and the Superior of the Seminary, called on him to express their regret at the result of the election. Similar marks of esteem were shown by the bishops of Ottawa, St. Hyaeinthe and Quebec. The unfortunate leader faced .his overthrow with courage and seemed undaunted—at least in the public utterances on his defeat. But at heart, he must have been galled by it. To intimate friends he expressed his disappointment and complained bitterly of the attitude of some members of the clergy, who, he said, had forgotten all he had done for the liberty of the church in his province and for his country.

Cartier was then a very sick man, suffering from Bright's disease in an advanced stage. The writer, who accompanied him on the platform on nomination day, in Montreal, saw him unable to stand on his feet during the proceedings. When he rose to speak, his voice had agonizing tones. His very poor health, which must have had a depressing effect even on a man of such high spirit, his defeat, and the visible decline of his influence in Quebec, must have cast a gloom on his mind. Nothing is so entrancing and so fascinating as public life to the young. To raise one's self to the first rank by the sole force of talent; to rule one's country and achieve great things. It is a dream worthy of the highest. Ambition then spreads a thick veil, hiding from sight the deceptions and disillusions with which it often crushes its votaries. The worst feature of politics appears, not when a statesman has to face his natural enemies, but when he is betrayed by his friends. It is a more difficult task to overcome the disgust engendered by unfaithfulness than to brave danger, especially when the all-conquering spirit of youth has vanished and when age has appeared, age without buoyancy, with but a backward vision upon past achievements and no hopeful outlook for great deeds to be done in the future.